The text that follows is based on notes I wrote for the Conference on Anarchist Thought and Philosophy At the edge of anarchy in order to socialize knowledge and create room for reflection on practice and activism everyday. In addition to the notes as footnotes, long quotes added at the end of the text, with some issues raised in the discussion and that could not be fully addressing the interest of time.
Develop your legitimate strangeness
The call for this conference suggested a shift "from the anarchist thought to philosophy, to trace philosophical problem hidden-or not-libertarian perspective. This proposal appealed to me a moment to ask me immediately after a problem: while I agree that that anarchism can not be an object of study, do not think it possible path to take from " anarchist thought "to philosophy. Because for nosotrxs muchxs of anarchism is a political philosophy of life, an "art of living against domination" [1] , not a system from which you can read the reality. There is something of an anarchist philosophy (as is, for example, "existentialist philosophy" or "Marxist philosophy") but is, rather, a way to anarchist philosophy, that is a libertarian political theme. Since Foucault once said: to me what interests me is not philosophy but policy [i] .
As expected the title of this work, I intend to outline some crossing of two major "isms" of our political history: anarchism and feminism. But, you know, none of these "isms" is running on a single definition. There are different anarchism. Without much effort, we distinguish at least three major currents: anarcho-syndicalism, anarcho-individualism, anarcho-communism. The same is true feminism. And there is a difference in kind or merely evolutionary chronology (first, second or third wave feminism, as is usually stated in the academy), but of political positions. This difference may be obvious in the case of feminism integrated with the apparatus of the State or in ostensibly oenegizados, but may go unnoticed in other cases. And is not solved by adding a last name common name "feminism" (like saying "worker feminism" or "bourgeois feminism"). These also include different political positions, fortunately, the possibility of other feminisms and post-feminism, more playful and thoughtful, wrote the philosopher Beatriz Preciado. As for the so-called queer theory, the picture is similar. There are queer theory, post-queer, trans, postcolonial. Not only do not pretend here to exhaust the possible affinities, secret or otherwise, between anarchism, feminism, queer [2] , but I'm focus on certain desirable crosses between these practices (the anarchist, the feminist, queer), to try to respond to the challenge of the call.
For anarchists, the affinity is a mutual horizontal, a gathering of individuals around action, initiative and common sensibility. If possible bring desirable crosses between anarchism, feminism and queer theory, these crossings are clearly in terms of affinity [3] . But there is a historical axis which is unavoidable, as these meetings have already been made in our history [ii] . Of course we can not deal with this axis here [iii] , but it have it Please note: while it may be true that the entire history of anarcho-feminism is yet to be written, I think you have to write so very different from what has been tried for some time in academia. Not because a priori renege this kind of story or, more specifically, the history of women, but because this write-needed, on the other hand, you have to link it with concrete practices. There is a purely academic interest in the political heresy is pleased to collect historical oddities, like the one in question. That clearly can not be our interest. Political works, including poetry, are the result of a long collective work, "years of shared ideas" to the words of Virginia Woolf (citadísima work your own room.) Recognize our traditions do not mean to draw a direct line from our present into the past, a line full of famous names and landmarks (that is, no doubt), but a genealogy: continuities and discontinuities, ruptures, advances and retreats, secret affinities and the other: those that are there, in the light, waiting only to look at them more closely. 2 .- Fundamentals
untouchables: Freedom is a place that is away from home [4] .
To deal with the academic rigor or that other danger of fundamentalist anarchism, it may be good to put on hold certainties and foundations untouchable, as is the freedom for thought and action or distinction anarchists Nature / Culture and Sex / Gender and the dual male / female (or Dominator / victim) for certain feminisms [iv] . That's where the post-structuralism (as a condition of possibility of queer theory) can be crossed happily with anarchism in their specific analysis of specific situations of oppression, domination continued production of subjectivities and possibilities of resistance.
There is a recurrent danger in a traditional or fundamentalist when anarchism With a concept of normal as the prototype of what is properly human and individual, this concept can not be disputed. Often reduced to anarchy to a simplistic way of thinking that considers human nature as essentially good and facing the institutions of power, which are by definition bad and guilty for all the evil that lurks in this candid humanity. Thus, it is easy to oppose anarchism to a post-structuralist philosophy, broadly speaking, is characterized by consider that power is essentially creative rather than punitive. When this flag is covered with identifying all anarchism (either to insult or to recognize value), it is often forgotten that in his brilliant Bakunin comments on the Marxist theory of the seizure of power and workers' state was never very confident in nature or human psychology as naturally good. For Bakunin was very clear, and never tired of repeating, that evil was the principle of authority and not something abstract called "power" to dry.
Traditional Anarchism is founded on the concept that the individual has a reservation that is irreducible to the social arrangements of power. Thus, there would be a space of freedom for people, space of revolt against all authority, for the words of Bakunin. But we could think Foucault and Butler [5] that ethical practices, criticism and resistance does not emanate from a sort of innate freedom of the soul escapes the ravages of the system, but that same area of \u200b\u200bfreedom is forged between something that is already there (the specific relations of power and domination, the rules and regulations that not only say which way is normal and what not, but, as discussed Butler, marked the very terms in which there will not be possible) and something new: a series of acts, practices, attitudes experimental as Foucault says in another text [6] . According to Butler, Foucault's distinction between government and governmentality seeks to show that the unit denoting the former enters into the practices gobernadxs of those being in the same forms of knowledge and in their own ways of being. So how gobernadx not, when power relations enter the bodies? Foucault proposed in one of his last interviews the "anarchisation of the body, bodily hierarchies and their standard locations. Another way to put up barricades not disciplined, open spaces not yet calculated pleasures, cuts as windows to freedom.
So we hit the post-structuralism and queer thought one step further, even from what the classical anarchist thought nineteenth century as a struggle against the principle of authority, hierarchies and domination, because, in fact, Foucault said in What is Critique? - "the desire not to be governed is always the desire not to be governed well, so, for they, at this price (the emphasis added). This is not a simple formulation in the abstract, such as free will in a religious sense or liberal. This is where the philosopher faces the edge what he calls a "fundamental anarchism," which find the historical practice of revolt, of non-acceptance of a real government, and individual refusal of governmentality. It will then critique, ethics, resilience, the art of "voluntary insubordination, disobedience of reflection," as Foucault also wrote in the same text I've been quoting. What anarchists who came before us and tried to put into practice: freedom as lived experience, not just recited.
against the idea of \u200b\u200brepresentation and subordinate struggles: spontaneity, localism, immediacy and variety of struggles for liberation, queer, feminist. Affinities acting minorities made abject, they do blow the authoritarian practices and normalizing our lives that lead certain channels. These practices, these struggles are not behind the "main enemy" but the immediate enemy. As Foucault said, it is anarchist struggles since the main objective is to attack not so much 'this or that "institution of power, or group, or elite, or class, but rather a technique, a form of power that applies to immediate everyday life which categorizes the individual, assigned its own individuality, attaches him to his own identity [v] . Bakunin spoke of a "creative passion" that prepares the outbreak of the "passions", as once defined the revolution. Malatesta also spoke of a "creative power" present in individuality and freedom dear to distinguish otrxs vegan nosotrxs and absolutely free, abstract metaphysics, which translates into oppression fatally when low to the ground. Foucault refers constantly in his later texts and interviews to "practices of freedom", which opposes the absolute idea of \u200b\u200b"liberation" [vi] . And all the comrades know what we are talking about: are the active practices that should be taken now, not tomorrow, can not wait for the uncertain dawn of social revolution.
And while freedom is a location that is away from home, this is start living today as we want to live in this new world that is growing at every moment in our hearts [7] .
Laura Contreras
www.todaniniosensiblesabra.blogspot.com
www.pidoperdonzine.blogspot.com
www.proyectilfetal.blogspot.com
Some text notes and more desirable.
[1] Ferrer, Christian: Heads storm. Anarres, Buenos Aires, 2004.
[2] As Judith Butler explains in his book Bodies That Matter, queer is an insult in their native language (English), used to refer to the rare, pathological and abnormal with respect to the norm, especially in issues of sexuality, gender identities and expressions. But queer is also a site of resistance: means taking a word and twist, deflect and guide to other uses (and joys) political. Thus understood, queer is a membership that is not identical identities. See Butler, Judith: Bodies that matter. On material and discursive limits of "sex." Polity Press, Buenos Aires, 2005. Pp. 313 et seq. In one of the translators vegan notes the work of Butler Language, power and identity, queer is defined as referring to any non-hetero sexuality and hetero own critique of the system. See Javier Sáez and Beatriz Preciado, translators of Butler, Judith: Language, power and identity. Synthesis, Madrid, 2004. pg. 75. And although it is clear there is no closed definition, took this concept to be sure, at least for a while, a stable floor where we can understand and discuss.
[3] When from anarcho-queer positions are intended other types of organized kinship ties and not from blood but from the affinity, friendship and mutual assistance, this is a desirable cross political paths.
[4] Loquero, "Omen" in centuries of slaughter, (demo), 1993.
[5] Judith Butler discussed in "What is critical? An essay on Foucault's virtue in "the text of Foucault" What is criticism. " Http://caosmosis.acracia.net/?p=507
[6] Foucault, Michel: What is Enlightenment? Editions of The Piquette, Madrid, 1996.
[7] Christian Ferrer said as well about the anarchist praxis: "In every life was performed by specific ethical practices, the promised freedom." Ferrer, Christian: Heads storm. Anarres, Buenos Aires, 2004.
[i] The quote from Foucault is the following: "Actually, I never cared philosophy, but that's not a problem. Your question is: why I care so much politics? If you could answer a very simple, say the following: why Why should not I care? That is, what blindness, what deafness, what density of ideology should be charged to avoid the interest in what is probably the most crucial aspect of our existence, that is, society in which we live, economic relations within which it works and the system of power that defines the ways, what is allowed and what our behavior. " In Noam Chomsky, Michel Foucault. Fons Elder: Human Nature: Justice versus power. A debate. Buenos Aires, Katz, 2007.
[ii] This historical axis is unavoidable precisely because that is where we established clearly one of the major problems of intersection between anarchism and feminism. Anarchism today may not include feminist practices, no matter what sex is bio-political asignadx unx - and yet still being discussed in many places if certain historical claims of feminism should be included or not among the priorities of anarchists . On the other hand, some anarcho-feminist spaces remain in positions that fall behind at least three decades on what happens today. We can not but ask this question: if in the beginning, the feminist agenda of the anarchists was completely new, and certainly risky practices, why has it taken so long to renew anarcho-feminism (theory and practice)? One problem reappears, almost unchanged, when it comes to reading queer theory post-structuralism or from the more traditional anarchism. He rejects, without discussion, without reading, without proof.
[iii] Already at the beginning of the decades-long influence of anarchism in cultural life and Argentina are various newspapers struggle anarchists who collected the "woman question", asserting the fairness and proletarian revolutionary feminism (to distinguish the bourgeois feminism essentially suffragette), but there was no uniformity about the hierarchy to agree to specific vindication women. For example, La Question Sociale, a newspaper founded by Malatesta in 1883, published a series of pamphlets devoted to the subject, and Germinal, which appeared in 1897, had a section entitled "Feminism." The protest, central newspaper of Argentine anarchism along its entire route, also devotes space to the propaganda directed particularly at women and they are expressed in the struggles of their own. While representing a minority tendency within the movement, we must stress the importance of women's voice (1896-1897). This newspaper, recognizing the specificity of the oppression of women, calling for mobilizing against their double subordination: that is, as women and as workers. However, in many men's eyes lingered paternalistic anarchists. While the Federation Obrera Argentina (central anarchist) there should be "feminist issue" but "purely human, purely social" (3 rd Congress of the FOA, 1903), recognized the need for economic independence of women, for that "next to the man, fighting for human independence." The historic Congress of the FORA V, 1905, resolved "propaganda aimed at organizing the woman", sending a fellow tour of the interior. Addition Voice of Women, including female-specific newspapers (written by and for women) further highlights our Tribuna (1922-1925), by the great activist and broadcaster of "Idea" Juana Rouco Buela. Several women's groups are active libertarian ending the century and early twentieth century, some of them driven by the Workers Federation (Regional) Argentina. Resistance societies, women's centers for illustration and clarification and strike committees took shape over the decades of anarchist influence in the labor movement and its rich socio-cultural life. While female participation is conditioned by prejudice Moral of the time, the continued repression of the government, which afflicts the entire range of anarchist activities, beyond gender, brand, lack of material resources, the intensity of the fighting and other factors, lack of regularity and not very high degree of integration achieved by these groups among the workers (an issue which is marked by not a few, and few specialists) and not dull its originality and merit. The constant propaganda about the specific condition of oppression among the workers inside and outside of factories or workshops, the various campaigns in working class neighborhoods and in rental housing on such diverse topics as contraception, health care and education workers or new ideals mentadísimo relational-the "free love" - \u200b\u200bto name a few examples, account for an oral and written preaching tirelessly in the pursuit of a life in a whole opposed to bourgeois alienation . In this historical context that line hastily forming an indigenous working class movement with the contribution of immigration "conscious" from Europe and the gradual incorporation of women into the ranks of the urban proletariat, stands La Voz de la Mujer The appearance this newspaper and its vicissitudes us about a phenomenon not without contradictions: from the second issue, the editors denounce the attitudes of male comrades, "false anarchists" are called, who proclaim the liberation of all humanity, but in practice remain strong supervision over "their" women. While there is no consensus in theory or in practice, it is clear that the strong libertarian concern to think through the structure of domination and implement ways of life against that dominance, even with its contrasts and contradictions ", opened a space for a specifically anarchist feminist development, as expressed in this paper and in later ones. In a quick list of titles, are: the double oppression of women (Which constitutes the most exploited sector of society); attack on marriage, to male power over women and the proposal of free love as a counterpart to the institutions of the bourgeoisie and the power of the Church to certain social Neo-Malthusianism circumvent the workers' misery and does not play more labor for the ruling class, the constant denunciation of bourgeois hypocrisy (for example, abortion is practiced by the gentry, by the nuns and priests); complaint relentless sexual exploitation as one of the main scourges to fight, a complex and radical discourse on sexuality, autonomy and the use of the body. More problematic is, however, the exaltation of the role of mother that, abnegadísima, who raises children anarchists. Else remains for detailed analysis of this key moment of local anarchists.
[iv] think, with Marie-Hélène Bourcier, if it is possible to have a feminist subject "pure", that emerge as a counterpart of domination located in men (which is commonly known as "patriarchy"). This author reminds us that the monolithic view of power is linked to an unambiguous and fixed conception of domination, oppression hierarchy so that confiscation and possible subjects invisible and liable to oppression cross (and resistance multiparous). The structure of domination seamless application makes it impossible to criticism and political struggles that are, in fact, in the context of a complex system or device (see Bourcier, Marie-Hélène: "The end of the domination (masculine): pouvoir des genres, et post-feminism feminism queer "in Multitudes Magazine No. 12, Paris 2003, htpp: / / www.multitudes.samizdat.net/article364.html.) domination is never solid and comprehensive, but multiple in these societies ( refer to Foucault: "Power, right, right" in Genealogy of racism, the Piquette, Madrid, 1992).
[v] Foucault explains how in the nineteenth century the struggle against exploitation came to the fore. And how in our days, the struggles against the forms of subjection, against submission of subjectivity, become increasingly important, even when the struggles against forms of domination and exploitation have not disappeared. Freedom is a condition for the exercise of power, not their absence. See Michel Foucault, "Why study power: the question of the subject", in Dreyfus-Rabinow: Michel Foucault: beyond structuralism and hermeneutics, Nueva Visión, Buenos Aires, 2001.
[vi] "I think we should distinguish relations of power as strategic games between liberties-games that result in the fact that some people try to determine the behavior of others, and states of domination, which is commonly called power. And between them, the power games and the states of domination, there are technologies of government (...). The analysis of these techniques is necessary, because it is often through them that states establish and maintain domination. In my analysis of power, there are three levels: strategic relations, techniques and levels of government domination. " Foucault, Michel: The self minimalist and other conversations. P. 166
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